Fiscal Federalism: Lucrative Liberalism
Happy Workers’ Day. I congratulate Federal public servants for the approved increase in their salary structures announced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led administration yesterday 30th April, 2024. However, I am inclined to wish that the subnational units of government have similar and respective financial capacities to raise the earnings of State public servants. I’m talking about a sincere & intentional structural review of the constitutional empowerments (or not) of State governments (or not) to earn revenues to meet their obligations to residents. Just before we criticize many States for not paying any minimum wage negotiated by the national office of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and its allies with the Federal government, let’s be dispassionate to consider an age-long phrase - Fiscal Federalism, or a synonym of it - Lucrative Liberalism, which I coined few years back as I reflected on a better way to communicate this cogent subject in a country with a dysfunctional governance architecture. My book, “DIAL 811: DEFT OR DAFT?” becomes a handy reference at this juncture.
Experts define Fiscal Federalism
Synonyms of fiscal |
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Financial |
Commercial |
Economic |
Lucrative |
Monetary |
Pecuniary |
Table
5.1 – Synonyms of fiscal
Is it possible to dictate the tune
without paying the piper? Very impossible wish! An English axiom had long
countered this illogical suggestion when it said; “He who pays the piper calls
the tune!” According to the Collins dictionary, it means that “the person who
provides the money for something decides what will be done, or has right to
decide what will be done.” The money is the fiscal
tool we are here to examine. We should reconcile our expectations of
Federalism as a saving concept of governance, with the reality of this
instrument (economic paraphernalia of a functional structure).
Federalism without fiscal factor is
like a heart without blood. Can a human heart, responsible for pumping blood to
all parts of the body including itself, survive and perform its central role
without blood? The importance of discussing fiscal Federalism is to draw
attention to the imperative role of money in governance. Global specialists (organizations & persons)
in the economic field and development arena have defined the concept of fiscal
Federalism and it would be necessary to share their harmonized thoughts.
a. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD, 2020)
OECD defines fiscal Federalism as “the
distribution of taxation and spending powers across levels of Government.” Four
points are lucidly highlighted by OECD’s definition;
i. Distribution
- Beforehand, Federalism was described in this book as the distribution of
powers between the Central Government and sub-national authorities.
ii. Fiscal
Federalism is Federalism - OECD’s definition implies that fiscal Federalism
is yet Federalism because it’s about distribution of powers. It means that if
Federalism is about decentralization, fiscal Federalism is safely regarded as
fiscal decentralization and there shouldn’t be any disorientation therefore, in
the understanding of Federalism and/or fiscal Federalism.
iii. Financial
powers - OECD suggests that in as much as the concept of Federalism is not
different from fiscal Federalism, the fiscal
qualification of it is to underscore the superlative place of financial
(economic, monetary etc.) powers in the discussion of Federalism. The economic
paraphernalia (previously discussed) of a governance structure in a federating
system (decentralization of powers from Central to Sub-national Governments)
therefore holds a prime place among the other powers.
iv. Revenue
and expenditure authorities – The financial powers so devolved to the
Sub-national Governments must include both the revenue-generating and
expenditure authorities.
The limitation of OECD’s definition is that it
emphasizes taxation as though it is the major revenue source of all Governments
including those in the developing countries. Although some challenges of fiscal
Federalism deduced from the study of about fifteen countries were also stated
in an economic policy paper titled “Synthesizing good
practices in Fiscal Federalism”, OECD also drew attention to the strategic usefulness of fiscal
Federalism in the publication; “Through decentralisation, Governments can bring
public services closer to households and firms, allowing better adaptation to
local preferences.”
b. Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State
A Nigerian scholar, Mr Olabanji Olukayode Ewetan,
of the Department of Economics and Development Studies, College of Development
Studies (CDS), Covenant University situated in Ogun State, Nigeria, published a
paper titled “Fiscal Federalism in Nigeria: Theory and Practice”. The researcher noted that fiscal Federalism
“is essentially about the allocation of Government resources and spending to
the various tiers of Government.” Some expressions seen in the above definition
align the latter with OECD’s and they are;
i. Terminologies such as allocation mean distribution or sharing.
ii. Spending
depicts expenditure.
iii. Tiers
of Government suggest that fiscal Federalism is not about the Federal
Government in isolation but the distribution of powers between it and the
Sub-national tiers of Government.
Although subsequent explanations in the published
academic work revealed the need to also decentralize revenue-generating powers
to the States and LGAs, Ewetan’s definition doesn’t clearly state so. The
research paper, published in the International Journal of Development and
Sustainability in 2012 resolved that in Nigeria, “fiscal responsibility and
taxing powers still remain considerably centralized.” Taxing powers suggest revenue-generating
abilities and the wish of the author that Nigeria devolves such powers to the
Sub-central Governments.
c. Encyclopaedia of English language, Britannica
2021
According to Britannica, the term Fiscal Federalism “deals with the division of Governmental functions
and financial relations among levels of Government (and) was introduced by the
German-born American economist Richard Musgrave in 1959.” Britannica’s two-part definition can be
analysed and broken into the following;
i. Like Federalism,
division of Governmental functions
among (the three) levels of Government as stated in this globally acknowledged
manual of general knowledge makes fiscal Federalism a synonym of Federalism.
ii. The phrase “financial relations among levels of
Government” signifies the fiscal
component of Federalism. I particularly enjoy the objective review of fiscal
Federalism in Britannica which indicates that like every concept studied,
recommended and applied to better govern all aspects of the human race, fiscal
Federalism is one that is not without its shortcomings.
OECD’s recommendations to enhance the fiscal part of Federalism
OECD’s recommendations from fifteen years of
country surveys as contained in its economic policy paper titled “Synthesizing good
practices in Fiscal Federalism” and prepared by Kass Forman, Sean Dougherty and Hansjörg Blöchliger
on behalf of OECD in April 2020, had three key groups of recommendations on
fiscal Federalism.
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Type I. “Fiscal
capacity” recommendations: strengthen sub-national taxation and spending
powers to allow Governments to respond better to local needs and regional
variations. |
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i. Better align own-source revenues with sub-central spending; ii. Raise sub-central tax autonomy to ensure sufficient capacity; iii. Strengthen fiscal equalisation systems; |
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Type II. “Delineation” recommendations:
clearly delineate responsibilities both horizontally and vertically to
improve efficiency and equity. |
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iv. Delineate functions and responsibilities across levels of Government
clearly; |
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Type III.
“Co-ordination” recommendations: minimize barriers to internal trade and
enhance inter-Governmental co-ordination. |
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v. Improve transparency, data collection and performance monitoring to
enhance co-ordination. |
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Table
5.2 – OECD’s five recommendations for fiscal Federalism. Source: OECD, 2020
My recommendation
to strengthen the grasp of these three recommendations is that taxation should be replaced with revenue because taxes are not the main
and ‘potential’ sources of revenue for sub-national Governments in Nigeria.
That done, OECD’s three classes of recommendations for fiscal Federalism can be
adapted thus;
a. Through the
constitution (for legitimacy and sustainability), Government should strengthen
the powers of States and LGAs to generate revenues and spend same (fiscal
capacity). OECD draws this recommendation from the fifteen years of survey
conducted across different countries and the organization has evidence-based
conviction that these increased powers would allow the Sub-national Governments
to respond to the peculiar needs and variations in each locality in a context
such as Nigeria’s that is a beehive of wide cultural disparities (250 ethnic
groups).
b. Through the
constitution, Government should outline the roles of the Federal Government (across all its
Ministries, Department & Agencies), the State Government and local
authorities to improve efficiency of governance architecture as well as ensure
allocation of resources based on needs. OECD categorises these as delineation
recommendations.
c. Through the constitution and subsequent
policies formulated based on the global evidence and local peculiarities,
Government should provide a performance monitoring framework with five clear
types of indicators (input, process, output, outcome and impact) in all sectors
and MDAs at the sub-national level. This is to strengthen coordination across
the country. For example, the establishment of reliable and timely data
collection mechanisms across the 36 States, FCT and 774 LGAs that can be
connected to a central database for national analysis and data use is an
essential inter-Governmental coordination structure. Accountability frameworks
such as strong, unbiased & non-partisan anti-corruption institutions, civil
society organizations & community pressure groups for local accountability
etc. should be put in place early in the day. There is also the need to
minimize barriers to intra-State and intra-LGA trade to promote a
decentralization concept I term Lucrative Liberalism.
In centralized structures of Government or unitary
systems like Nigeria’s, there is a dominant culture that is legally backed to
stifle the economic powers of the Sub-national Governments in the midst of
enormous and potentially wealth-creating resources, thereby creating a
financially over-bearing centre. These systems are usually characterised by
extremes of social inequalities, large-scale corruption at the central level
and stiff competition for basic amenities and rights of majority of the
country’s inhabitants who mostly live and work at the Sub-national level. One
major solution to this kind of ineffective governance system is to provoke
economic emancipation by broadening the powers of the sub-central components to
create wealth.
Therefore, what is lucrative liberalism? It is a
concept of lessening the barriers to economic freedom which the Central
Government had hitherto, through the constitution and Government policies,
deliberately or unintentionally, craftily or frankly, put in the way of
Sub-national Governments. Achieving lucrative liberalism also requires
requisite constitutional and policy support. It’s a concept of damage-control
to attempt to reverse the huge economic loss and its sundry social & other
consequences on Sub-national Governments whose growth and development have been
subdued by the Central Government for a long time.
The powers (provided by constitution and policies)
to be infused in the new sub-national units must include those to make wealth
(revenue-generation) from all renewable & non-renewable resources within
its geographical space and also to expend the revenues (with clear budgetary
provisions legislated by the respective Houses of Assembly or LGA parliaments).
A pertinent
headline screeched in the news on the 20th of April, 2021 and read “Allow
States develop their minerals, Wike tells FG”. It was a Punch newspaper
story credited to Mr. Nyesom Wike, a lawyer and (then) Governor of Rivers State
in the Southern part of Nigeria. Part of it read; “The Federal Government is
carrying so much load that they are not supposed to carry. Allow States to
develop these minerals and pay royalty to the Federal Government; that is the
way it’s supposed to be.” The Governor’s open canvass, during a courtesy call
on him at the Government House in Port Harcourt, by Mr Uchechukwu Ogah, the
Minister of State for Mines and Steel, was a demand for lucrative liberalism. As the Governor suggested, the Central
Government will not be left to just wallow in indolence while its sub-national
units make wealth from their resources. These units can be made to commit to an
agreement to remit a non-choking percentage of their earnings to the Central
Government’s coffers on a routine basis.
In conclusion,
I wish our dear President, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, the courage and wisdom
to initiate a constitutional overhaul, through the National Assembly, to institute
Lucrative Liberalism by decentralizing powers (legal, geographical, administrative,
political and “economic”) to the subnational units as done in truly Federal
nations like the United States of America, Canada and others. That is when more
State governments will have sufficient capacities to implement salary structures
that are similar to (or even better than) that of the Federal employers and not
what the national body of NLC negotiates ‘on their behalf” with the Federal government
in Abuja.
Dr.
Adetolu Ademujimi, a Medical Doctor, Author, Reformer, Coach, Public Policy
expert and Social entrepreneur, culled and adapted this write-up from pages 105
- 112 in chapter five of his latest book - “DIAL 811: DEFT OR DAFT?”, (Foreword
by Chief Wole Olanipekun, SAN, OFR, CFR and Official endorsement by the late Governor
of Ondo State, Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Akeredolu, SAN, CON. Note that DIAL 811 is
an acronym coined by the author for “Decentralization Is A Lifeline for 811
Federating Units” (811 = 36 States + 1 Federal Capital Territory + 774 Local
Government Areas) that are recognized by the 1999 constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria (as amended). You can visit the website www.adetoluademujimi.com to buy a copy of the
book for more details.
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